Tough guy
Somerville mayor Mike Capuano has a solid shot at winning the race for
the Eighth Congressional District. Will his home city help him or hurt him?
Talking Politics by Jason Gay
Mike Capuano wants you to know it's perfectly okay for you
not to read this story. You want to go work in your garden, eat your dinner, or
walk your dog? Go to it. No sense wasting your hard-earned free time on some
poor schmuck Democrat, the mayor of Somerville -- Somerville! -- who's babbling
about running for Joe K's seat in Congress. No sense in wasting his time,
either.
Same goes for the media. Screw 'em. Why bother rump-kissing a bunch of hacks
who are gonna write what they're gonna write, anyways? Just treat 'em fair and
square, just like everyone else. Political consultants? They can pretty much
take a hike, too. Sure, you can use them now and then, but better to use your
own people, trust your own instincts. Polls? Schmolls.
Because the way Capuano figures it, politics isn't rocket science, and you're
either gonna like him or you're not. Give him 20 seconds of your time, he says,
and you're either going to dismiss him as another knucklehead who doesn't
deserve your vote, or you're going to think he's just a regular person like you
are, a working stiff, a spouse, a parent, with his own attributes and
shortcomings.
In his nine years as Somerville's mayor, the 46-year-old Capuano has developed
an image as a tough-as-nails, occasionally combustible leader of a
working-class city on the rise. Now he's taking this common-sense persona to
the Eighth District. Capuano doesn't intend to force-feed the electorate with
polysyllabic rants about health care, foreign policy, and campaign-finance
reform, though the Dartmouth and BC Law grad is capable of it.
"Let's face it," he says. "There are probably only five guys up at Harvard who
want to talk about the nitty-gritty policy details."
Prognosticators say that Capuano is a legitimate contender, thanks not only to
his strength in Somerville (where there are 35,000 registered voters, roughly
13 percent of the district vote) but also to his expected support among
Italian-Americans. In the April-to-July reporting period, Capuano also raised
more money ($251,000) than anyone in the race.
Still, Capuano is hardly the only candidate with dough. Nor is he the only one
doing the I'm-just-a-regular-guy routine in this crowded race. Front-runner Ray
Flynn is your definitive salt-of-the-earth pol, and this time around, he's got
plenty of competition from folks like Susan Tracy, Margie Clapprood, Tom Keane,
and Charles Yancey. Heck, even John O'Connor climbs out of his Range Rover now
and again to slap backs and tout his regular-guyness.
The key for Capuano, then, is to find the one asset that separates him from
the pack before primary day. That asset could be the story of Somerville --
Capuano's home city, of which he is fiercely proud. But as politics often
proves, whatever can give you a boost can also bring you down.
Virtually everyone in this race, it seems, has got a "thing" -- a supposed
Achilles' heel that could prevent him or her from winning. Flynn's got the
drinking thing, Clapprood's got the celebrity-lightweight thing, Tracy's got
the gay thing, George Bachrach has the boring-wonk thing, O'Connor and Chris
Gabrieli have the plutocrat thing, Alex Rodriguez and Charles Yancey have the
little-guy thing, Tom Keane has the who-the-hell-is-Tom-Keane thing.
Capuano has the Somerville thing. Despite numerous improvements in recent
years, this densely settled, ethnically diverse city of 76,000 people continues
to be derided by outsiders as Boston's version of old New Orleans -- a place
where shady characters abound, where crooked pols and dirty cops keep an uneasy
peace. Part of this is mythmaking and ethnic stereotyping, of course, but part
of it is rooted in truth. Somerville has had its brushes with organized crime
and roguish politicians: Whitey Bulger's storied Winter Hill Gang had a
foothold in East Somerville, and more than one city official in memory has been
hit with bribery and/or cronyism charges.
Capuano, a former alderman's son whose thinning brown hair, blue eyes, and
square jaw make him look like a compact version of Mike Barnicle, acknowledges
his city's negative baggage. "It's there, believe me," he says. But Capuano
resents the guilt by association, the insinuation that because of his zip code,
he can't possibly be on the up-and-up. He's rankled by a recent Globe
story about the race that quipped of his candidacy, "You can take the mayor out
of Somerville, but can you take the Somerville out of the mayor?" Argues
Capuano: "Could you imagine them saying the same thing about Charles Yancey and
Roxbury?"
At the same time, however, part of Capuano clearly relishes his city's
rough-and-tumble reputation -- as well as his own. Both the mayor's supporters
and his foes describe him as a pugnacious, in-your-face leader, unafraid to mix
it up with his political opponents. While the mayor may not fully embrace this
characterization, he doesn't shy from it, either. no one will fight harder for
us, Capuano's brochure screams, and his campaign tries to promote him as the
ultimate scrapper. He even jokes about Somerville's reputation: "Not everyone
has a dead body in their trunk," he says. (Capuano, who also wisecracks
repeatedly about having Mafia connections, is prone to making glib, sometimes
flaky remarks.)
Somerville residents may enjoy Capuano's tough-guy stance as mayor, but it
could undermine his bid for Congress, where pols are supposed to be able to
compromise and, well, kiss a little ass now and then. City alderman John
Buonomo, who lost the mayor's race to Capuano in 1989 but now considers him a
reliable political ally, says Capuano must shed his "bruiser" image in order to
succeed outside his home city.
The mayor is capable of that kind of change, Buonomo says. He's seen Capuano
evolve from a hesitant and somewhat uptight mayor -- the type of official who
stood at the back of public meetings and seldom mingled with the crowds -- into
a comparatively relaxed, engaging leader.
"I think he's grown into the position," Buonomo says. "I think I've witnessed
a maturing. He can still be very direct, but he can also be very flexible."
Capuano has also benefited from Somerville's strengthening economy and housing
market. Over the past decade, the city has been flooded with thousands of new
residents, especially post-rent control refugees from Cambridge and Boston who
have border-hopped in hopes of finding a cheaper place to live. These recent
arrivals have brought new investment; housing prices continue to surge, and
businesses seem to sprout up weekly in the triple-decker neighborhoods. Davis
Square, a handsome, brick-sidewalked district of eateries and mom-and-pop
shops, was recently named one of the hippest neighborhoods in the country by
two national magazines.
Capuano says he has welcomed this transformation, pushing for improvements
that have helped new and old residents alike. He fought to improve public
safety and to repair strained relations between the community and its police
department. He added 15 total acres of new green space. And he helped improve
Somerville's much-maligned school system by rebuilding or replacing six city
schools.
"I think he grew up in a city where he saw the old, and he realized the city
had to do something new," Buonomo says.
But Capuano's critics charge that the mayor is a product of the old school
who's taking too much credit for Somerville's improving rep. There are those
who say Capuano's selling a bill of goods to the Eighth District, that
Somerville's so-called reformer doesn't always practice what he preaches.
Capuano has been criticized for hiring relatives for city jobs: his cousin is
the city's auditor. More flak followed when the mayor named a close friend, Joe
Macaluso, as the city's housing director. Though Capuano defends himself
against the patronage rap by invoking JFK -- "Was Bobby Kennedy a good attorney
general?" he asks -- there is sentiment that he should be more careful given
the city's past troubles.
Capuano has also drawn scorn for being autocratic and iron-fisted; aldermen
who don't see eye to eye with him often find their proposals shut out. Kevin
Tarpley, elected last year as Somerville's first African-American alderman, is
frustrated by what he sees as the mayor's reluctance to push for more minority
hiring of city workers. "He's trying to appear that he's this great,
independent, new politician, when he represents old-style politics at their
worst," Tarpley says. "If you don't agree with him, he tries to figure out a
way to hurt you."
Not surprisingly, Capuano chafes at the notion that he is anything less than
professional in his behavior, whether with his supporters or his detractors.
"I'm only abrasive with someone who's abrasive with me," he says. "If you treat
me with respect, I'll treat you with respect."
Capuano is shaking hands inside Joe's Variety, a breakfast hole-in-the-wall in
Watertown where 80 percent of the customers seem to be named Joe, everyone
appears to read the Herald, no one has a beard, and anyone who ordered a
bagel might get laughed out of the place. The mayor, who is wearing a blue
shirt and a checkered red tie, heads to the back part of the store, next to the
Coke machines, where a crew of regulars stand and sip coffee.
In these kinds of campaign stops, you can usually tell in the first 10 seconds
whether the candidate is going to be welcomed with open arms or avoided as if
he's carrying fistfuls of plutonium. Capuano gets the red carpet at Joe's. He
hovers in the rear of the store, chewing the fat about everything from Margie
(he faced her last night in a TV mini-debate) to vacations in Italy to, of
course, Somerville.
Capuano says that wherever he goes, he finds people who want to talk about his
hometown. A city of immigrants and transients, Somerville is a little like the
Brooklyn of Boston -- if you haven't lived there yourself, chances are that
someone in your family, or at least someone you know, did for a while. This
type of tradition cultivates bonding, not to mention votes. Capuano figures to
do well not only in his own city, but also in the Somerville-ish, working-class
neighborhoods of East Boston, Watertown, Charlestown, and Cambridge.
"This district is full of people who are used to getting the short end of the
stick," Capuano says. "I think I'll do well wherever there are two-family
homes."
Sure, it's populism at its most overt, but there's a refreshing authenticity
to Capuano's approach. Despite his considerable campaign fundraising to date,
there's a purposefully low-rent, no-frills feel to the mayor's candidacy. Next
to the objets d'art issued by the O'Connor and Gabrieli campaigns, Capuano's
brochures look like kidnappers' ransom notes.
In the coming weeks, Capuano's aides say, the mayor will begin to spend some
of his dough, hit the airwaves, and try to shed that seat-of-the-pants,
local-yokel image. How Capuano will fare at this is uncertain. The idea of a
director getting Capuano to rehearse for TV ads is an amusing thought (trying
to make a cat take a bubble bath comes to mind). Though his money will allow
him to take his campaign to another level, Capuano seems content to go after
voters the only way he knows how: face to face, one at a time. The Somerville
way, he says.
"My voters are the silent heroes of the world," Capuano says. "And they're not
very well represented right now."
Jason Gay can be reached at jgay@phx.com.