Identity crisis
In the race to be the next district attorney for Middlesex County,
Louise Woodward's name may mean more than the candidates'
by Jason Gay
Before Joe Kennedy jumped ship and the Eighth Congressional
District race started filling up like a Titanic lifeboat, the battle to
become the next district attorney of Middlesex County was supposed to be one of
the hottest political contests of the year. You had three intriguing Democrats:
Tim Flaherty, a Norfolk County prosecutor and the son of former Massachusetts
House Speaker Charles Flaherty; Michael Sullivan, a Cambridge city councilor
and scion of a storied political clan; and Middlesex assistant DA Martha
Coakley, who prosecuted the Louise Woodward case. You also had a major job (the
Middlesex DA's Office handles roughly 35,000 cases annually) that has become
something of a political launch pad: Scott Harshbarger was Middlesex DA, John
Kerry was a first assistant in the late '70s, and the current DA, Tom Reilly,
is now running for state attorney general. And after l'affaires
Woodward, Eddie O'Brien, and Stephen Fagan, no one needed convincing that the
Middlesex DA's job could be a high-profile gig.
But these days, the Middlesex DA's contest suffers from a serious case of
I-don't-care-right-now-itis. An electorate swamped by the bulging Eighth
ballot, the governor's race, and some more-serious-than-expected state rep
battles has been less than invigorated by this competition. The media, too,
have hardly been enthusiastic. The Middlesex DA battle has been virtually
absent from television. In the daily newspapers, it remains mostly relegated to
the deep pages, back behind the classifieds and the cryptograms.
It deserves better, of course. Whether or not anyone is paying attention, it
is still a hotly contested race. It still features the
Flaherty-Sullivan-Coakley triumvirate (along with a GOP entrant, Lee Johnson),
and it is still considered way too close to call. Big money is being raised and
spent, TV blitzes are being prepared, and the candidates are lobbing bombs at
each other at every turn. Flaherty and Sullivan take turns bashing Coakley as a
publicitymonger. Coakley responds by chiding her competition as a pair of
fortunate sons, well connected but poorly qualified.
Beneath this predictable personality warfare, however, is a more substantive
debate about law and order. The sensational courthouse circuses of the past few
years repelled some residents and fascinated others, but either way, they have
raised serious questions about the approach to justice in a metropolitan area.
Whether the issue is cameras in the courtroom or the role of prosecutors in the
press, it seems that everyone has an opinion about the Middlesex DA's Office.
How those opinions will translate come election day, though, is largely up to
Flaherty, Sullivan, and Coakley.
A collection of 54 cities and towns stretching from Cambridge and Malden to
Lowell, Framingham, and the hinterlands of Groton and Ayer, Middlesex County is
a large and diverse chunk of judicial turf. Its 1.4 million residents make it
the third-most-populous county in the nation, and their law-enforcement needs
vary widely. Depending on where you are in the county, the average resident's
idea of crime can range from homicides and gang violence to property damage and
petty larceny.
The Middlesex wanna-bes themselves, however, are pretty similar
philosophically. Flaherty, Sullivan, and Coakley all tout good-Democrat agendas
thick with promises of expanded services for crime victims, intervention
programs to address domestic violence and child abuse, improved community
policing, and better outreach to at-risk youth. Flaherty and Sullivan oppose
the death penalty; Coakley supports it, but only for cop killers and people who
are convicted of murder while serving a life sentence for another crime. All
three candidates are young (at 44, Coakley is the senior citizen), relatively
well seasoned in the courtroom, and not unfamiliar with the political
landscape.
But because Coakley is considered the front-runner, Flaherty and Sullivan have
sought to turn the race into something of a referendum on her star status by
challenging the Reilly regime's handling of its recent high-profile cases.
Flaherty, in particular, has questioned the prosecution's first-degree murder
charge in the Woodward trial (he would have recommended manslaughter), and he
has chastised the DA's Office for playing to the press.
"There is a feeling that things could have been handled better," says
Flaherty. "People out there understand that it's not a job that should be
handled by a publicity seeker."
That characterization may be an overstatement, but it's true that the
Middlesex DA's Office has received an unusual amount of attention in recent
years. Between the transatlantic cause célèbre that was the
Woodward trial, the courtroom mania surrounding Eddie O'Brien (whose father
went berserk when he was convicted), the Amirault roller coaster, and the
murder-rape of young Jeffrey Curley, Middlesex has been especially busy. At
times, it seemed as if Reilly -- a thin, stiff-shouldered prosecutor who was
Harshbarger's first assistant DA -- was presiding over more made-for-television
dramatics than Aaron Spelling.
As one of Reilly's top assistants, Coakley was knee-deep in many of these
cases, and she found herself before banks of TV cameras more than once. A wiry
blond prosecutor who left the private sector (namely, the cushy confines of
Choate, Hall & Stewart) for public service, Coakley can be as stone-faced
as her departing boss, but her supporters praise her courtroom compassion,
especially for the rights of victims. In the Woodward mess, for example, her
articulate advocacy for Deborah and Sunil Eappen allowed her to emerge as the
trial's breakout star.
Like a rock star with one Top 10 hit, Coakley knows she will be identified
with Woodward for the rest of her career, and that wherever she goes, people
are going to want to hear about it. Coakley still spends considerable time
responding to people's second-guessing of the prosecution's strategy, but she
says she has also received plenty of support. "People like the job I did," she
says.
When you add the fact that Coakley is a high-ranking woman in what remains
largely a man's world, it's clear why she has benefited from more positive
press than Matt Damon and Ben Affleck combined. Indeed, the Boston
Globe has run a virtual shadow campaign for her, with shameless
pro-Coakley musings from columnists Eileen McNamara, Robert A. Jordan, and
editorial-page fossil David Nyhan. "Is this trim, blond lady lawyer really a
tough-as-nails prosecutor?" Nyhan gushed this spring. "Because she could
certainly play one on TV."
Naturally, Flaherty and Sullivan gag at Coakley's
treatment thus far. The way they see it, their good qualities are being ignored
by a public more interested in stargazing -- at a carpetbagger, no less
(Coakley moved into the county from Dorchester in January). At the same time,
both candidates have sought to capitalize on the revulsion some residents felt
after the British au pair's return overseas. The basic idea is this: if you
found the Woodward episode embarrassing, you don't want someone like Coakley as
your next DA.
"If you do your job, you get press. You shouldn't worry about generating it,"
Sullivan says. Pointing to TV appearances by representatives from the DA's
Office, he adds: "It's not a job to use to get yourself on the Today
show."
Coakley, who tried unsuccessfully to unseat state representative James Brett
in 1997, knows the political game and understands why her competitors are
taking this offensive tack. But she scoffs at the idea that she or Reilly
somehow went Hollywood in the past year. "Both [Flaherty and Sullivan] are
fooling themselves if they think they can be district attorney and think they
don't have to respond to legitimate inquiries from the press," she says.
And besides, it's not as if Flaherty or Sullivan just fell off the turnip
truck. Both come from politically connected families, and both understand the
machinations of the public and the press. The soft-spoken, compact Sullivan is
the son of former Cambridge mayor Walter Sullivan and a nephew of Edward
Sullivan, Middlesex County's long-time clerk of courts. The Sullivans continue
to hold a firm grip on Cambridge working-class politics and are still mostly
well regarded; drive around the city, and it's near-impossible to find a slice
of terra firma without a red-white-and-blue MICHAEL A. SULLIVAN DISTRICT
ATTORNEY sign.
A former assistant DA under Harshbarger who followed him to the Attorney
General's Office, the 38-year-old Sullivan has built his campaign around a
"prevention-intervention" motif -- the idea that the DA should extend his orbit
beyond the courthouse and into communities, reaching out to troubled residents
before they land themselves in jail. He touts his Cambridge City Council
experience as evidence of his political acumen, and he doesn't shy away from
his electoral lineage. "I don't run away from it [my family]," Sullivan says.
"I'm very proud of my heritage."
By comparison, Flaherty -- a tall, athletic 33-year-old who prosecuted his
first case before he turned 25 -- seems to bristle at the insinuation that he's
riding family coattails, even if Dad has been especially helpful on the
fundraising circuit (Flaherty raised $253,000 through July, the most of the
three Democrats). It's understandable why Flaherty the younger insists he's his
own man; after all, Charlie Flaherty was drummed out of office following a
tax-evasion scandal and charges of accepting improper gifts from lobbyists.
NOBODY OWNS HIM, Tim's campaign brochure screams. "If I'm elected, the sign on
the door will read TIMOTHY R. FLAHERTY. Anyone who thinks otherwise will be
greatly disappointed," Flaherty says, snuffing out those TIMMY FLAHERTY or MR.
F'S OFFICE door-sign rumors.
Given Flaherty's familial background, it seems somewhat ironic that he's
campaigning on a take-the-politics-out-of-prosecution platform. But Flaherty,
who possesses the affable cockiness of a cleanup hitter, has also taken what
may be the race's boldest position: arguing to ban television cameras from the
courtroom. In his experience, Flaherty says, cameras cause court staff to
behave differently, and he posits that eliminating them would cut down on the
media madness that has plagued recent Middlesex trials. "As a professional
prosecutor, my role isn't to provide entertainment to the public. It's not even
to inform the public. It's to win cases," Flaherty says.
Not surprisingly, Coakley and Sullivan reject Flaherty's proposed camera ban.
"Regressive -- a step back into the Dark Ages," Coakley told the Globe.
Sullivan says it's not the courtroom cameras, but the way the media use the
resulting footage, that skews the coverage and public opinion. "This is a
community that values its openness," he says.
Perhaps, but the very fact that the issue has come up for debate during this
DA's race shows how unsettling the recent season of legal theatrics has been
for Middlesex County. Now that Louise Woodward is home in Britain and Eddie
O'Brien sits in a cell, will the public still care on Election Day?
At least three people hope so.
Jason Gay can be reached at jgay@phx.com.